For Hernández, the lack of statistics is due to the ongoing lack of understanding that the popular consciousness of Indigenous Women has a reciprocal link to their community. Violence tears the community apart, breaks up the Indigenous movement and is reflected in specific events, in the same vein as an individual problem hurts community ties.

Another emblematic instance of violence towards Indigenous Women involved the Nahua elder Ernestina Ascencio, who was raped by soldiers when her community was militarised in the War against Drug Trafficking instigated by President Calderón. For Hernández, it is a further example of how the Mexican state exercises collective violence and perpetuates specific violence by failing to support those Indigenous Women who decide to speak out, with no translation provided into indigenous languages at public ministries near settlements.

‘All federal governments merely think about roll-out and solution. They impose a solution on us and, what happens? Well, just upheaval,’ she adds. Both at the Community Emergency Gender Initiative and at other participating organisations, Hernández has seen how the current Sembrando Vida (Sowing Life) programme displaces native seeds to grow food that is not local to the region, or constructs greenhouses that industrialise agriculture.

She also states that when she would go to the state of Querétaro, many women would confess that their husbands would beat them until they handed over the financial support they received from the government.

‘Social programmes are imposed, just like megaprojects such as the Maya train, the Huexca thermal power station and the Interoceanic Corridor. They are inexcusable programmes in terms of the environment, community and society. In my opinion, the damage is irreparable: violence against women, the environment and all life represents irremediable damage,’ she states.

Indigenous Women are agents of change

Based on her work with other women, Laura Hernández has seen how the Mexican state belittles, stigmatises or ignores the organisational methods and contexts of Indigenous Women. She also notes how society and the media lack intercultural approaches, not only in framing violence but also with regard to local organisational methods that transform the reality of people’s lives.

‘They think that women are viciously violated in communities. For example, they mention childhood marriage or unions at a young age and fail to contextualise them. Each community has different customs: there are those where the practice does not exist, where dowries are not even a thing. Then there are some communities that do have these practices, but they are not universal—Indigenous Women are changing things,’ she stresses.

She acknowledges that male domination (machismo) is alive in communities, as well as how difficult and complex it can be to give it a name, point it out and monitor it from a community approach. However, she doggedly states that Indigenous Women have never passively accepted violence and how these spaces of international debate are useful for empowerment and changing how the rest of society sees these women.

‘Having international and national spaces or the local organisations of sisters in the community speaks to the ability of women, girls and youth to build collective wellbeing in our communities. Discussing territory, autonomy, healing or femicide means providing our contributions as Indigenous Women and speaking for ourselves,’ she underscores.